Sen claims that ‘there is rather little general evidence
that authoritarian governance and the suppression of political and civil rights
are really beneficial in encouraging economic development. The statistical
picture is much more complicated.’ (150) Because authoritarianism has no
conclusive advantage over democracy in generating economic growth, and because
political liberty and freedom have ‘importance of their own, the case for them
remains unaffected.’ (150) He goes on to make the claim that ‘a person with
high income but no opportunity of political participation is not “poor” in the
usual sense, but is clearly poor in terms of an important freedom.’ (94) This
is largely where I disagree with Sen as he gives democracy undue importance and
value.
The Lee thesis claims that democracy hampers economic growth
and freedom. It is also argued that there is a choice to be made between
political freedoms and economic prosperity – most will choose the latter and
hence ‘the majority view would tend to reject democracy’ (148). Sen dismisses
the Lee thesis on the basis that it is ‘based on very selective and limited
information’ (149) and so concludes that there is no definitive evidence that
political freedoms hamper economic growth. Sen goes on to say that there is
little evidence that ‘poor people in general do not care about civil and
political rights,’ (151) In fact he claims that there is stronger evidence of
the contrary as evidenced by the struggle for democratic freedoms in nations
such as South Korea, Thailand, Bangladesh and Pakistan. However, I would argue
that there is also evidence to support the claim that poor people are
indifferent when it comes to political liberties. The mass immigration from
democratic nations (India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bangladesh, The Philippines) into
nations such as the United Arab Emirates, Qatar and Saudi Arabia suggests that these people
value economic development over political freedoms – they leave their homes,
their families, their political freedoms behind in order to move to an autocratic
nation to work and earn money to support their families back home. Therefore, I
think there is some substance to the claim that poor people would prefer
economic progress to political liberties.
Furthermore, despite the fact that there may be no advantage
to autocratic government in encouraging greater economic growth, there are
other reasons to reject democracy and the political liberties that come with
it. For example, ‘Asian’ or ‘Arab’ values might reject the idea of democracy.
Sen handles this objection by showing that these traditions value tolerance and
freedoms, and that most claims that ‘Asian values’ are incompatible with
democracy come from the ruling class and not the people. However, Sen provides
no evidence that the people in these Asian nations want democracy or reject
autocratic rule. Instead, he simply shows that there is room for democracy in
Asian tradition; I do not think this is sufficient. Also, there are traditions
such as Islam, which though it preaches tolerance and supports certain freedoms, might
not be compatible with democracy – the people don’t make law, God does. I think
Sen needs to go a lot further in showing that Democracy is in fact important to
poor people.
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ReplyDeleteHey Kaamil, thanks for this post. I believe your post can be split into at least two parts: 1) the liberty-money tradeoff and 2) commitments to religion. The latter is going to make for an excellent seminar discussion, so I'll focus on clearing up the former.
ReplyDeleteFirstly, you claim that "poor people are indifferent when it comes to political liberties." To be frank, I think that's demonstrably false, even on your own account. Your migration example relies on the idea that "poor people prefer economic progress to political liberties," but implicit in this claim is the fact that they're trading one for the other. When these workers come in huge numbers from India, Indonesia, Bangladesh, etc., they understand that they are choosing money for their families over civic engagement. On an individual basis, you might claim that this is okay (although people like Hampton and Kant would certainly disagree with you). Regardless, this sort of tradeoff happens, and you're apt to point it out.
However extrapolating the tradeoff to a larger scale -- allowing societies to choose economic benefit over political liberties -- is extremely problematic. If a group of people democratically decides to shed their political freedoms in exchange for economic prosperity, they will have made this decision for everybody who will ever live under this government, which is means this second, third, and fourth (etc) generation lacks all agency in expressing their consent. The difference between this tradeoff and the one you described is that these immigrants make the tradeoff for themselves, whereas the establishment of an economically superior autocratic regime (in lieu of a democracy) plagues all of posterity.
Mo,
DeleteI am a bit confused on whether or not you think Kaamil’s claim about immigration as a representation of people choosing economic progress over political freedom is apt or not. You said people do make that choice, but then critique it’s larger scale implication by noting the side effects that trade off has to future generations. That seems to stand in stark contrast to your point that those moving are “choosing money for their families over civic engagement.” By moving for the sake of their family—to create better opportunities for themselves and their children to thrive are they not making choices with multiple generations in mind. Furthermore, by enabling a better economic life for their children and grandchildren would those migrants not be better enabling future generations of the family to make choices about where the want to live, and the kind of government they want?
My point is that people can make the decision to tradeoff on an individual basis, and while in this case the decision might indeed affect multiple generations, it is not surrendering the rights of everybody related to the migrant worker. On the other hand, allowing people to "vote away their rights" erases the rights of many without any consensual justification.
DeleteI thought Kaamil was apt to point to the example of migrant workers making the opposite tradeoff that Sen describes (because, as I said, people actually do choose money over freedom), but I don't think the same logic can be applied in choosing an autocratic form of government.
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